What the heck are you talking about? It's bad enough that you crave
attention with a preposterous baseless claim, but also mailing it as if it
was a news item in many newsgroups. How disgraceful not only to Usenet, but
also to the victims of 9-11 many of whom were Jewish.
Roy
"senhor san" <dharma@nwinfo.net> wrote in message
news:c1vda2$mrm$1@nnrp.atgi.net...
> Why Rafi Eitan's special anti-terrorist group in Israel is the prime
suspect
> for masterminding 9-11 frameup details
>
> ......................
>
> Remember the people who knew how to leverage, buyout, strip and loot
> corporations with OPM (other people's money)? It was the use of
> revolutionary technic and we didn't see it.
>
> There are also people who know how to blast and burn their enemies to
death,
> pillage their lands, steal their wealth, enslave them using OPS (other
> people's sons -- your sons in uniform) as well as OPM to do the job even
as
> they earn compound interest and your undying gratitude and honor and flag
> waving for arranging it all.
>
> You know how drugs invaded your town, ruined finances, launched a crime
> wave, ruined families, lost jobs, trained community resources, destroyed
> brains and lives, created divorces leading to other acts of desperation?
> More revolutionary technic? Do you think it would have been possible for
> drugs to have reached your community if the military, CIA, federal
> agencies, and the administrative, legislative and judicial branches of the
> federal government were not infiltrated, conquered and run by saboteur
> operatives?
>
> CIA and Mossad are really one organization and that they are engaged in
race
> war against Arabs and class war against middle class people who believe in
> freedom and human diginity and equality of rights etc. and that they did
> 9-11?
>
> It's time you gained a little insight (below) into Mossad and the
workings
> of mind's like that of Rafi Eitan, the man I think plotted 9-11.
>
> Dick Eastman
> 223 S. 64th Ave.
> Yakima, Washington
> Every man is responsible to every other man.
>
> -----------
>
> Introductory excerpt:
>
> Radi went back to his drinking and womanizing, and the money he made
> selling arms for Pearson all drained away. At that very vulnerable point,
in
> 1978, Pearson stepped in again and offered Radi a 200,000 loan. This time,
> Pearson made it quite clear to him that the money was coming from an
Israeli
> source. The desperate Radi accepted the loan and was recruited to work for
> an antiterrorist group in Israel run by Rafi Eitan.
>
> The group's methods were rather unconventional, one could say heinous, but
> it had operated successfully for years. An example is the case of the
> "Palestinian" attack on the cruise ship Achille Lauro in 1985. That was,
in
> fact, an Israeli "black" propaganda operation to show what a deadly,
> cutthroat bunch the Palestinians were.
>
> The operation worked like this: Eitan passed instructions to Radi that it
> was time for the Palestinians to make an attack and do something cruel,
> though no specifics were laid out. Radi passed orders on to Abu'l Abbas,
> who, to follow such orders, was receiving millions from Israeli
intelligence
> officers posing as Sicilian dons. Abbas then gathered a team to attack the
> cruise ship. The team was told to make it bad, to show the world what lay
in
> store for other unsuspecting citizens if Palestinian demands were not met.
> As the world knows, the group picked on an elderly American Jewish man in
a
> wheelchair, killed him, and threw his body overboard. They made their
point.
> But for Israel it was the best kind of anti-Palestinian propaganda.
>
> In 1986, Radi was involved in another slush-fund black operation - the
> well-documented attempt to blow up an El Al plane. Or at least what was
> publicly perceived to be an attempt. In fact, it was a cold, calculated
plan
> conceived by Rafi Eitan to discredit the Syrians. At a secret meeting in
> Paris, Eitan told Radi that he wanted to implicate the Syrian Embassy in
> London in terrorism and have all the Syrian diplomats thrown out of
> England.{p.123}
>
> Radi had a 35-year-old cousin, Nezar Hindawi, living in London, who had
two
> things going for him - he was friendly with the Syrian Air Force
> intelligence attache in London; and he had a problem with an Irish
> girlfriend who told him she was pregnant. Radi went to his cousin and
> offered him $50,000. At the same time he told Hindawi that he wanted him
to
> do some work on behalf of Palestine that would also rid him of his
troubles
> ome girlfriend.
>
> "This money I'm offering you," Radi told Hindawi, "is from our Syrian
> brothers on behalf of the Palestinians. We want to blow up a Zionist
plane.
> All you have to do is make sure the girl gets onto an El Al plane with
> explosives in her bag."
>
> Radi arranged for his cousin to meet the Syrian intelligence officer, and
> Hindawi later came away with the clear impression that what he was doing
was
> for the Arab cause. In accordance with his briefing, Hindawi told his
> 32-year-old girlfriend, Ann-Marie Murphy, a chambermaid at the Hilton
Hotel
> on Park Lane, that he loved her and wanted to marry her. He was eager to
> introduce her, his future bride, to his old Palestinian parents who lived
> in an Arab village in Israel. He told her to go and visit them and receive
> their blessing. Then, when she arrived back in England, they would get
> married. Overjoyed, she agreed to go, not realizing that the address he
gave
> her in Israel was bogus.
>
> As far as Hindawi knew, the woman was going to be sacrificed. All he had
to
> do was tell her that he wanted her to take a bag of gifts to his parents.
> But because he didn't want to risk her being stopped for having too much
> carry-on luggage, he would arrange for a "friend" who worked at the
airport
> to pass her the bag when she entered the El Al departure lounge. She would
> pass through the regular Heathrow security checks and then be given the
> package containing the bomb.
>
> Hindawi had been told that a Palestinian cleaner would pass the deadly
> package to Ann-Marie. In mid-April 1986, he kissed her goodbye and
watched
> her walk through passport control to what he expected would be her death,
> along with that of all the other 400-plus passengers on board the
> El Al jumbo jet.
>
> In the El Al departure lounge, an Israeli security man dressed in casual
> clothes - the "Palestinian cleaner" - passed the girl the parcel. She took
> it. But within seconds she was asked to submit to {p. 124} a search. The
> security people, who were in on Rafi Eitan's plan, could not afford any
> accidents. When the bag was opened, plastic explosives were found in a
> false bottom.
>
> ... But Radi was not implicated. He was under MI-5 protection. As a
result,
> Margaret Thatcher closed down the Syrian Embassy in London. Rafi Eitan had
> had his way ... and Ann-Marie went home to Ireland where she gave birth
to
> a daughter.
>
>
> _________________________
>
> http://users.cyberone.com.au/myers/vanunu.html
>
>
> "Mossad Hijinks"
> Ari Ben-Menashe on Mossad posing as "Palestinian Terrorists"
>
> More from Ari Ben-Menashe, Profits of War: The Sensational Story of the
> World-Wide Arms Conspiracy, Allen & Unwin, Sydney 1992.
>
>
> Ben Menashe explains that during the Iran-Iraq war, the US and the USSR
> supplied Iraq with weapons, while Israel secretly supplied Iran (largely
> with Soviet-made weapons left over from other conflicts around the world),
> despite official US bans. On account of the bans and the secrecy, Israel
> was able to charge Iran a high price, and make quite a profit; this profit
> went into the "Iran Contra" slush funds.
>
> {p. 44} AT 12:30 P.M. on January 16, 1979, four helicopters had lifted off
> from the grounds of Tehran's Niavaran Palace, their rotors sweeping aside
> the snow. There was nothing to indicate to a would-be assassin which
> aircraft carried His Imperial Majesty Mohammad Reza Pahlavi Aryamehr,
> Shahanshah of Iran, King of Kings, Shadow of the Almighty, Center of the
> Universe.
>
> The Shah's departure from Iran would bring about a tumultuous upheaval in
> the Middle East. It would also lead to a new threat to the existence of
> Israel, and ultimately bring my country into fierce conflict with the
United
> States.
>
> {p. 45} Oil production had come to a standstill. Scores of freighters lay
> idle in the Persian Gulf, waiting for customs officials to return to work.
> Moscow had sent an aircraft to pick up 70 Soviet oil researchers and their
> families. Arnericans and other foreign nationals crammed onto U.S. Air
Force
> planes. Iran was out of control; for each fanatical white-shrouded
protester
> the troops had shot down, another had sprung up to
> fill the gap.
>
> As their Imperial Majesties walked toward their silver and blue Boeing
707,
> two officers spontaneously turned to face each other, holding up a copy of
> the Koran for them to pass under. Then, as the street mobs shouted with
joy
> and smashed the statues erected in his honor, the King of Kings, a small
> parcel of Iranian soil tucked in his pocket, took the controls of the
> aircraft and flew off into the sunless sky. The Shah's rule was over.
>
> Israel decided to act fast to protect its interests. On board one of the
> last flights that El Al made into Tehran before the airport was closed
were
> 48 Israeli aircrews, all wearing civilian clothes.
>
> A few days later, with the full cooperation of the commander of the
Iranian
> Air Force - who was later executed - 48 F-14 jets were flown out of Iran
to
> an air force base in northern Sinai. (They were later sold by Israel to
the
> Taiwanese.) As proof of the Carter administration's blindness, the U.S.
had
> delivered these planes to the Shah in September 1978, even before the
U.S.
> Air Force was supplied with its own. The Shah, whose regime was crumbling
> around him, had paid through the nose for them. The U.S. was relieved that
> the F14s had not fallen into the "wrong hands." The Israelis had corrected
> the situation.
>
> {The following begins with some quotes from later in the book, to
introduce
> the background to the Iran-Iraq war.}
>
> {p. 172} While publicly mouthing words of peace, Peres had privately
agreed
> to participate in the American double-game of arming both the Iranians and
> the Iraqis.
>
> {p. 126} From March 1981 to the end of 1987 Iran spent the incredible sum
of
> more than $82 billion on equipment sent from the United States, Israel,
> Europe, South America (especially Brazil and Argentina), and South Africa.
> The Iranians gratefully received it all - old tanks, aircraft (including
old
> French Mirages from Argentina), TOWs, electronics, radar systems, small
> arms, artillery, Hawk air-to-ground
> missiles, Chinese Silkworm missiles, North Korean Scud missiles, Katusha
> shells captured in Lebanon by Israel, cannons - hundreds of thousands of
> tons of weaponry, whether it came straight from the factory or was the
> remnant of some long-dead war. Vast profits were made by the middlemen.
>
> Iran, maintaining an army of approximately 800,000 men, faced a
formidable
> Iraqi military force which was adding to its already well-equipped arsenal
> from the Soviet Union and France. Iraq was soaking up sophisticated
> weapons - MiG fighters, SU fighters, and French Mirage 2000s. Like the
> Iranians, they too were spending a fortune. As arms suppliers, the Western
> world and the Soviet Union could rub their hands together in glee.
>
> As someone has pointed out, if a question had been put to a computer
about
> what needed to be done to: 1) get the Arabs off Israel's back; 2) part the
> Arabs from their money; 3) keep the Iranians contained - and part them
from
> their money; 4) keep the oil flowing; 5) make sure the world recycled its
> old military equipment; 6) keep the Soviets happy; and 7) make a lot of
arms
> dealers and defense contractors rich,
> it could not have come up with a better solution than the Iraq-Iran
> war.
>
> {p. 68} It would be in Israel's interest to flood Iran with military
> equipment, but we had to be cautious. Much of the material we had was
> American, and if that went to Tehran without the release of the hostages
and
> Carter's okay, there could be serious repurcussions in the U.S. Congress
> with its Democratic majority.
> {p. 91} ... the U.S. embargo against Iran covered even commercial engines.
> The embargo had not been lifted, but now, to boost the airline, the
Iranians
> were not only looking for spare parts for the old fleet but hoping to buy
> British Tristars.
>
> I added up the bill. The grand total was one billion dollars, give or
take
> a million. Israel's profit - 50 percent. The slush fund looked like it was
> going to do very well.
>
> The Iranians screwed up their faces at the price. They knew Israel was
> ripping them off. But they had little choice.
>
> {p. 120} In February 1987 a "contribution" was made to the West Australian
> Labor Party by our U.S. counterparts in the CIA. In gratitude for the
use
> of Australian soil for the transfer of arms to Iran, Richard Babayan, a
> contract operative for the CIA, received a check for $6 million U.S. from
> Earl Brian, who was acting on behalf of Hadron, a CIA "cut-out." Babayan
> traveled to Perth and stayed at the home of Yosef Goldberg, an Australian
> businessman of Israeli origin who was well connected to Israeli
intelligence
> and to the local Labor Party headed by Brian Burke, then premier of
Western
> Australia. Babayan handed the check to Goldberg, who in turn gave it to
Alan
> Bond in his role as the guardian of the John Curtin Foundation funds. This
> money was passed on by one of Robert Maxwell's companies in Australia to
be
> held by the Pergamon Press Trust Fund in Moscow. Babayan later
corroborated
> the details of this operation in a sworn affidavit.
>
> Despite the high costs involved, profits were still made on the sales to
> Iran. At various times the fund reached peaks of more than $1 billion. At
> its height it stood at $1.8 billion, with money constantly coming in and
> going out - a huge turnover that would have made a successful conventional
> enterprise very envious. The Likud leaders running the government intended
> to use the money for three main purposes.
>
> The first was to finance activities of Yitzhak Shamir's faction of the
> Likud Party. Between 1984 and 1989 no less than $160 million was funneled
to
> Shamir's faction, handled by the deputy minister in the Prime Minister's
> Office, Ehud Ulmart, who was very close to the prime minister. Other funds
> were contributed to the whole Likud Party, especially to its 1984 and 1988
> election campaigns. That amount totaled about $90 million.
>
> Second, the slush fund helped finance the intelligence community's
"black"
> operations around the world. These included funding Israeli-controlled
> "Palestinian terrorists" who would commit crimes in the name of the
> Palestinian revolution but were actually pulling them off, usually
> unwittingly, as part of the Israeli propaganda machine.
>
> A key player in some of these operations was {p. 121} the former
Jordanian
> Army Col. Mohammed Radi Abdullah, the man who was with Pearson and Davies
> when I made our approach to Davies. Today in his early 50s, Radi was
> decorated by King Hussein of Jordan for his bravery in the 1967 Middle
> East war. However, his family fell out with the king because they were not
> willing to participate in the mass slaughter of Palestinians by the
> Jordanian Army in 1970. The family emigrated to London. The colonel
married
> a woman related to Saddam Hussein and went about setting up a number of
> companies, including shipping offices in Cyprus and Sicily.
>
> Radi became known as a businessman who championed Arab and Palestinian
> causes in Europe. But he missed his homeland and the days when he was
lauded
> as a hero. He fell to the ways of the West, started drinking heavily and
> spent a fortune on gambling and women.
>
> In the mid-1970s, to recoup his losses, Radi went to work for Pearson,
who
> was supplying intelligence information to Israel. With Radi's unwitting
> help, Pearson began to acquire intelligence about Palestinian
organizations
> in Europe. The way he did it was by selling arms to those organizations.
> An arms dealer named John Knight, who ran a company called Dynavest
Limited,
> located at 8 Waterloo Place, London SW1, and another dealer who operated
out
> of Sidem International Limited, Appleby House, 40 St. James' Place, St.
> James' Street, London SW1, acquired arms from Yugoslavia. They would sell
> them to Radi, who would in turn sell them to the Palestinian terrorist,
Abu
> Nidal, and other Palestinian groups. Radi was unaware of Pearson's Israeli
> connection, as were the others involved.
>
> While it may seem curious that Pearson, a man working with Mossad, was
> encouraging a Jordanian to sell weapons to Israel's enemies, it was
actually
> all part of a very cunning plot. In doing business with these groups, Radi
> learned what they were going to use their weapons for and unsuspectingly
> passed the information on to Pearson. Pearson, in turn, passed on to
Mossad
> the intelligence about the movements of the groups and the number of
weapons
> they had.
>
> Based on Radi's unwitting tips, over a two-month period 14 or 15
> Palestinians were wiped out. Word went out among the {p. 122} Palestinian
> groups that Radi was working for Israeli intelligence and, fearing for his
> life, he took a trip to Baghdad and presented his case to Abu Nidal
himself.
> Abu
> Nidal believed his story that he had been used - which he had - and put
the
> word out that Radi was "clean." The blame was placed on Yasser Arafat's
> group - Palestinian factions at that time were warring among themselves.
>
> Radi went back to his drinking and womanizing, and the money he made
> selling arms for Pearson all drained away. At that very vulnerable point,
in
> 1978, Pearson stepped in again and offered Radi a 200,000 loan. This time,
> Pearson made it quite clear to him that the money was coming from an
Israeli
> source. The desperate Radi accepted the loan and was recruited to work for
> an antiterrorist group in
> Israel run by Rafi Eitan.
>
> The group's methods were rather unconventional, one could say heinous,
but
> it had operated successfully for years. An example is the case of the
> "Palestinian" attack on the cruise ship Achille Lauro in 1985. That was,
in
> fact, an Israeli "black" propaganda operation to show what a deadly,
> cutthroat bunch the Palestinians were.
>
> The operation worked like this: Eitan passed instructions to Radi that it
> was time for the Palestinians to make an attack and do something cruel,
> though no specifics were laid out. Radi passed orders on to Abu'l Abbas,
> who, to follow such orders, was receiving millions from Israeli
intelligence
> officers posing as Sicilian dons. Abbas then gathered a team to attack the
> cruise ship. The team was told to make it bad, to show the world what lay
in
> store for other unsuspecting citizens if Palestinian demands were not met.
> As
> the world knows, the group picked on an elderly American Jewish man in a
> wheelchair, killed him, and threw his body overboard. They made their
point.
> But for Israel it was the best kind
> of anti-Palestinian propaganda.
>
> In 1986, Radi was involved in another slush-fund black operation - the
> well-documented attempt to blow up an El Al plane. Or at least what was
> publicly perceived to be an attempt. In fact, it was a cold, calculated
plan
> conceived by Rafi Eitan to discredit the Syrians. At a secret meeting in
> Paris, Eitan told Radi that he wanted to implicate the Syrian Embassy in
> London in terrorism and have all the Syrian diplomats thrown out of
> England.{p.123}
>
> Radi had a 35-year-old cousin, Nezar Hindawi, living in London, who had
two
> things going for him - he was friendly with the Syrian Air Force
> intelligence attache in London; and he had a problem with an Irish
> girlfriend who told him she was pregnant. Radi went to his cousin and
> offered him $50,000. At the same time he told Hindawi that he wanted him
to
> do some work on behalf of Palestine that would also rid him of his
> troublesome girlfriend.
>
> "This money I'm offering you," Radi told Hindawi, "is from our Syrian
> brothers on behalf of the Palestinians. We want to blow up a Zionist
plane.
> All you have to do is make sure the girl gets onto an El Al plane with
> explosives in her bag."
>
> Radi arranged for his cousin to meet the Syrian intelligence officer, and
> Hindawi later came away with the clear impression that what he was doing
was
> for the Arab cause. In accordance with his briefing, Hindawi told his
> 32-year-old girlfriend, Ann-Marie Murphy, a chambermaid at the Hilton
Hotel
> on Park Lane, that he loved her and wanted to marry her. He was eager to
> introduce her, his future bride, to his
> old Palestinian parents who lived in an Arab village in Israel. He told
her
> to go and visit them and receive their blessing. Then, when she arrived
> back in England, they would get married. Overjoyed, she agreed to go, not
> realizing that the address he gave her in Israel was bogus.
>
> As far as Hindawi knew, the woman was going to be sacrificed. All he had
to
> do was tell her that he wanted her to take a bag of gifts to his parents.
> But because he didn't want to risk her being stopped for having too much
> carry-on luggage, he would arrange for a "friend" who worked at the
airport
> to pass her the bag when she entered the El Al departure lounge. She would
> pass through the regular Heathrow security checks and then be given the
> package containing the bomb.
>
> Hindawi had been told that a Palestinian cleaner would pass the deadly
> package to Ann-Marie. In mid-April 1986, he kissed her goodbye and
watched
> her walk through passport control to what he expected would be her death,
> along with that of all the other 400-plus passengers on board the
> El Al jumbo jet.
>
> In the El Al departure lounge, an Israeli security man dressed in casual
> clothes - the "Palestinian cleaner" - passed the girl the parcel. She took
> it. But within seconds she was asked to submit to {p. 124} a search. The
> security people, who were in on Rafi Eitan's plan, could not afford any
> accidents. When the bag was opened, plastic explosives were found in a
false
> bottom.
>
> Ann-Marie was rushed off to be interrogated by British security. Sobbing,
> she told the story of the rat of a
> boyfriend. Police arrested Hindawi at the London Visitors Hotel, between
> Notting Hill and Earl's Court, after his brother convinced him to give
> himself up. He spilled the beans and told them that a Syrian intelligence
> officer had asked him to carry out the task.
> But Radi was not implicated. He was under MI-5 protection. As a result,
> Margaret Thatcher closed down the Syrian Embassy in London. Rafi Eitan had
> had his way, Hindawi was jailed for 45 years, and Ann-Marie went home to
> Ireland where she gave birth to a daughter.
>
> These were the kinds of black operations our slush fund was financing.
>
> The third and last main purpose for the slush-fund money was to finance
the
> housing projects in the West Bank and Gaza Strip for Jewish settlers who
had
> been taking over Palestinian land there. Since many members of the U.S.
> Congress saw these housing projects as a provocation that would impede
peace
> in the Middle East, a lot of U.S. aid to Israel prohibited the use of the
> money for building in the West Bank. As part of the coalition, the Labor
> Party, keen to participate in a peace conference, was also against a
> government project for West Bank housing.
>
> The answer, as far as Likud was concerned, was to draw on the slush fund.
> Tens of millions of dollars were used in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip
to
> help build the foundations for new Jewish settlements and to buy the land
> from the Arabs.
> Although much land was simply confiscated and more taken through
> condemnation for government purposes, many Arabs, forbidden by the PLO to
> sell land to the Jews in the West Bank, nevertheless did so at inflated
> prices, even though they were putting their lives at risk should they be
> caught.
>
> What they did was sell to various foreign Jewish front companies that
were
> actually financed by the Joint Committee. Many West Bank Arabs became
> wealthy selling their land, taking the
>
> {p. 125} money and emigrating to other countries. As far as Likud was
> concerned, it was money well spent, because it was encouraging the Arabs
to
> emigrate, while leaving land for the Jews to move onto. Their houses would
> also be subsidized by the slush fund.
>
> ===========================
>
> An extra commentary:
>
> the Arab ghetto within the "Jewish" wall--how sickeningly ironic
>
> <ninafeather@e...> wrote:
> Uri Avnery
> 28.2.04
> The Ghetto Inside
>
> "It is easier to get the Jews out of the ghetto than to get the ghetto
> out of the Jews!" - this dictum of the early Zionists is now assuming a
new
> meaning. Israel is cutting itself off from the world and enclosing itself
> in a ghetto, and not only physically.
>
> In The Hague, the proceedings of the International Court of Justice
on
> the Separation Wall have started. Sharon's people understand that they
have
> no chance of winning and have decided,
> therefore, to boycott the session. Instead of arguing their case before
the
> court, they decided to organize a street event, in the spirit of the
classic
> Israeli maxim: "If your case is weak, raise your voice!"
>
> Inside the courtroom, the legal arguments were made. The
> representatives of Palestine argued that the Wall is unlawful, since it is
> being erected in the middle of the West Bank. According to them, if
Israel
> fears suicide bombings, it is entitled to put up such a wall on its
border,
> but not in the heart of the occupied territory, where it puts the
> Palestinian population into prison-like enclaves. Nobody contradicted this
> argument inside the court.
>
> Outside, Sharon's people organized a colorful spectacle. As a gimmick
> for the media, they brought a bombed-out bus over from Israel, complete
with
> experts on the gathering of body parts. Also, dozens of family-members of
> victims of attacks were brought over. The Israeli embassy distributed the
> photos of the 900 victims, and Jewish students carried them in procession.
> The message: the Jews are suffering; in Israel, too, they are the victims
of
> pogroms.
>
> Later in the day, the Palestinians organized a counter-spectacle.
> There, the 3000 Palestinian victims of the intifada were lamented, as well
> as the sufferings of the Palestinian population under occupation. The
> residents of The Hague were treated to a kind of World Championship for
> victims.
>
> The world media devoted some minutes to the spectacles, evenly divided
> between the two parties. But, for them, the main event was the proceedings
> inside the courtroom.
>
> In Israel, an entirely different picture was presented. In a style
> reminiscent of the Soviet Union, the media enlisted as one man in the
> service of the brain-washing. All TV networks, all radio stations, all
> newspapers, without exception, took part in this national effort. From
early
> morning to late at night, all TV and radio stations broadcast continuous
> coverage from The Hague and created the impression that the whole world
was
> glued to the Israeli street spectacle.
>
> The court proceedings themselves were presented as unimportant, a
> miserable little show of Arabs and other anti-Semites. The Israeli
> demonstration was turned into a world-shaking event. The bombed-out bus
> appeared on the screen of all Israeli channels many dozens of times, as
did
> the victims' families. Again and again and again. The corresponding
> Palestinian event was shown for a few seconds, as were the courtroom
> proceedings. Just to show how liberal we are, the Palestinian
representative
> was also allowed to say three sentences.
>
> But the message for the Israeli viewer and listener was unequivocal:
> this was a huge Israeli victory. The whole world now understands that in
> this story we are the victims, that the Palestinians are terrorists, that
> the Wall is needed to save our lives, that "the lives of Jews are more
> important than the quality of life of the Palestinians" - a sentence
> repeated dozens of times during the day. A phalanx of army officers,
> Security Service personnel, reporters, commentators and professors talked
> their heads off on all stations, and all of them said exactly the same
> thing: we are being attacked, we are the persecuted, the Arabs are
killers,
> we are defending ourselves. The occupation was not mentioned at all. Why
> should it be? What has it got to do with this?
>
> While the broadcast was going on, the Israeli peace movements
> demonstrated against the Wall at the Prime Minister's residence in
> Jerusalem. The state-owned TV Channel 1 showed it for all of four seconds.
> Throughout the whole day, not one single Israeli TV channel or radio
station
> allowed anyone to say a word against the Wall or in favor of the
> International Court.
>
> This is quite frightening, because it is happening in a democracy. No
> KGB or Gestapo is threatening the lives of the journalists, no Gulag or
> concentration camp is awaiting those who deviate from the official line.
It
> is all done voluntarily, from inner conviction.
>
> True, the free media in the democratic USA behaved in much the same
way
> during the early days of the Iraq war. But they, at least, were not
> afflicted with the syndrome of "All the World is Against Us".
> The day after the first court session, the Israeli Deputy Minister
of
> Defense, Ze'ev Boim, declared in the Knesset that all Muslims are
murderers
> from birth, that it is in their genes. And a personal friend of Ariel
Sharon
> disclosed on TV: "Arik has told me that he is deeply worried about the
rise
> of Christian anti-Semitism. For example in Mel Gibson's movie "The Passion
> of the Christ". And now, a large
> part of the Muslim world is also infected by anti-Semitism."
>
> This is the mentality of the ghetto. We created the State of Israel
in
> order to become a normal nation, "a people among peoples". The events of
> this week show that we have not succeeded in this. The ghetto is deep
inside
> us.
>
> This is also throwing another light on the Separation Wall. It
encloses
> the Palestinians in enclaves, but it also returns us to the reality of the
> ghetto, and not only physically.
>
> The struggle against the Wall has many aspects. It is not only a
> struggle to liberate the inhabitants of the West Bank from the monstrous
> obstacle that turns their life into hell and puts them under pressure to
> leave "voluntarily". It is not only a struggle to liberate the two peoples
> of this country from a situation that imposes on them an ever-widening
cycle
> of bloodshed. It is also a struggle to liberate the Israeli nation from
the
> ghetto that is inside our hearts.
>
> # FYI: Three Israeli daily papers have an
> English-language internetsite
> A few recommended articles
>
> The three sites:
> http://www.haaretzdaily.com/ [translated from
> Haaretz Hebrew]
> http://www.jpost.com/ [English only -
> right-wing]
> http://www.maarivintl.com/ [translated from
> Ma'ariv's mass-distribution daily]
>
> A few recommended articles
> [incidentally collected - not pretending to be
> complete]
>
> --Court orders fence work suspended near W. Bank
> village
>
> By Yuval Yoaz, Aluf Benn, Nathan Guttman and
> Sharon
> Sadeh, Haaretz Correspondents - Sunday, February
> 29, 2004
>
> Hebrew / òáøéú
> http://www.haaretz.co.il/hasite/spages/399449.html
>
> English
> http://www.haaretzdaily.com/hasen/spages/399442.html
>
>
> --Injured in the fault line
> By Amira Hass - Fri., February 27, 2004
>
> Hebrew
> http://www.haaretz.co.il/hasite/pages/ShArt.jhtml?itemNo=
> 398962
>
> English
> http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/398835.html
>
>
>
> --The Bottom Line / It's the lack of peace,
> stupid
> By Nehemia Strasler - 27/02/2004
>
> http://www.haaretzdaily.com/hasen/pages/ShArt.jhtml?itemN
> o=399108
>
> [we didn't locate the Hebrew online version]
>
>
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