On Sep 1, 3:06 am, Roy Schestowitz <newsgro...@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxx> wrote:
> ____/ [H]omer on Saturday 01 September 2007 04:00 : \____
>
> > Verily I say unto thee, that Roy Schestowitz spake thusly:
> >> Xandros CEO AndreasTypaldos: Getting Along With Redmond
>
> > This AndreasTypaldosis quite an elusive character. He must be the only
> > tech CEO out there without even a single photograph anywhere on the
> > Web. Does he even really exist?
>
> I tried to do research about him as well. Nothing.
>
> > Can anyone link to a photo?
>
> [sarcasm] Could be another one of those hijackers like the MS GMs that seized
> XenSource or the guy from Mexico, without a degree, who took on KDE with .NET,
> using some financial backing. *sigh*
>
> --
> ~~ Best of wishes
>
> Roy S. Schestowitz | #ff0000 Hot Chilli Peppershttp://Schestowitz.com | RHAT GNU/Linux | PGP-Key: 0x74572E8E
> 08:00:02 up 25 days, 10:53, 5 users, load average: 0.32, 0.71, 1.44
> http://iuron.com- help build a non-profit search engine
I found this about his old company Computron. Very interesting info.
Apparently, he had ties to the neo-Nazi U.S. Labor Party.
http://dennisking.org/ourtown5.htm
THE TRUTH ABOUT COMPUTRON
TWELFTH OF A SERIES
By DENNIS KING
# MULTIMILLION $$$ MANHATTAN COMPUTER FIRM IS CLOSELY LINKED TO U.S.
LABOR PARTY EXTREMISTS:
# Computron financial report names USLP chief Konstandinos Kalimtgis
as majority owner.
# Affidavit of former USLP organizer alleges laundering of Computron
profits into party coffers.
# Computron president Andreas Typaldos writes a secret report on how
to computerize USLP intelligence files.
# Typaldos' wife arrested in 1974 cult kidnapping case.
# USLP members, including former members of party security staff,
dominate Computron board of directors.
# USLP presidential candidate Lyndon LaRouche gets long-term
"credit" from Computron, use of company car and apartment, loan of
credit cards from top Computron officers.
No doubt about it: Computron Technologies Corporation, one of New
York's fastest growing computer software houses, is closely linked to
the U.S. Labor Party, a group widely regarded as neo-Nazi.
Our Town first raised the lid on Computron in a Sept. 9, 1979 article
charging that the multi-million dollar firm had shared office space
with the USLP from 1975 to 1977 and that several of its top officers
are party members.
Computron promptly slapped a $65 million libel suit on us, but we
continued our investigation of the firm and its method of soliciting
clients (including such corporate biggies as AT&T, Mobil Oil, Colgate-
Palmolive and Bristol-Meyers).
The results of our probe fully support the charges in the Sept. 9
article and make a mockery of the Computron suit.
First of all, who owns Computron? We obtained a financial report of
the firm, dated Dec. 31, 1977, with a schedule of partners' capital.
The schedule, unaudited but issued on the stationery of Mann, Brown &
Bauman, Certified Public Accountants, lists the current chairman of
the U.S. Labor Party, Mr. Konstandinos Kalimtgis, as controlling 55
percent of the partnership operating income and over 60 percent of
total capital accounts.
Kalimtgis, who also uses the names "Gus Axios" and "Costas Axios," has
long been the closest and most trusted aide of USLP founder Lyndon
Hermyle LaRouche, Jr. Party documents identified Kalimtgis for many
years as the USLP chief of staff. In September 1979, he replaced
LaRouche as titular chairman so that LaRouche could enter the 1980
Presidential primaries as a "Democrat."
Kalimtgis' domination of Computron dates back to the firm's founding
in 1973, according to his own testimony in Morris County (N.J.)
Criminal Court. Kalimtgis was arrested with two comrades in December
of that year, on charges of carrying firearms without a permit (police
discovered the weapons when they stopped and searched the car in which
the three were traveling). In their May 1975 trial, which resulted in
two convictions later overturned on appeal, Kalimtgis identified
himself as "the owner of Computron" and described his direct
involvement in the firm's work at the time of his arrest ("I wrote
programs, developed systems...") He also identified the current
president of Computron, Andreas Typaldos, as his business partner, and
said the two of them had been working together on a software contract
the day of his arrest. [See note at end of article.]
The USLP chief's continuing role at Computron was revealed in an
apartment application he filed in July 1978 at a luxury apartment
building ("The Century") in Riverdale, N.Y. Again describing himself
as Computron's owner, he claimed an annual salary of $56,000. An
attached credit report quoted Andreas Typaldos (already a resident of
the Century) as saying that Kalimtgis was the major stockholder in the
firm and had been a vice president for the preceding four and a half
years, paid via "salary and profits."
USLP defectors who worked with Kalimtgis on a daily basis at party
headquarters during the years in question, strongly deny that
Kalimtgis functioned as a fulltime Computron executive. "He spent the
majority of his time on party business," said a spokesman for the
defectors. "If he was getting a full salary from Computron, it
represented in part a reimbursement for party work."
One of Kalimtgis' most visible party capers was a four-week national
speaking tour in 1977, in which he was accompanied by Col. Tom
McCrary, the chairman of the ultraconservative Independent Party of
Georgia. The following year, Kalimtgis joined with two comrades to
write the 400-page USLP book Dope, Inc., which attempts to prove that
Jews control the world narcotics traffic. While Kalimtgis was pursuing
these extracurricular activities, Typaldos and other Computron
executives were making him rich. The above-mentioned credit report on
Kalimtgis quotes Typaldos as saying that his partner earned over
$144,000 in the first five months of 1978 and would probably earn
"over $300,000" by the end of the year. (In 1979, according to
software trade publications, Computron reported sales of $5 million.)
The growth of Computron has been aided, USLP defectors say, by a party
decision to conceal the firm's political connections. For instance,
Computron moved out of USLP headquarters in 1977 to offices of its own
at 888 Seventh Ave. and party members at the firm were reportedly
ordered to keep their mouths shut about politics in the presence of
clients and nonparty employees.
Apparently as a result of the policy, Kalimtgis began to stay away
from the Computron offices--especially after the firm moved once again
to 810 Seventh Ave. (its current headquarters). Said one Computron
employee: "He only comes around occasionally to chat with Andy or
other party members who work here."
Kalimtgis is able to monitor the firm on a day-to-day basis, however,
through his wife Chrissa (also a party member), who is the Computron
office manager. "Chrissa has her office in the back, beside Andy's,"
said our source. "She's the one who writes the checks."
The 1977 financial report cited above lists Andreas Typaldos as
controlling 45 percent of the operating income. As president of the
firm, his political role is reportedly the opposite of his partner's.
"The National Executive Committee [highest organ of the USLP--ed.]
expects Andy to concentrate on making money and to avoid any political
moves that would jeopardize company sales," said one USLP defector.
In line with this assignment, Typaldos and his wife Renee, both of
whom are plaintiffs in the Computron suit against Our Town, use the
alias "Reniotis" inside the party. In Our Town's previous article on
Computron, we pointed out that the telephone number for Andreas and
Renee Reniotis listed in the USLP internal directory is the same as
the Bronx Telephone Directory number for Andreas Typaldos at 2600
Netherland Ave. ("The Century"). Since then, we have obtained a 1977
business card of the Computron president, listing two office
addresses. One of them is Suite 1104 at 231 W. 29th St. in Manhattan,
part of the space rented at the time by the USLP for use as a national
headquarters.
We have also interviewed more than a dozen personal acquaintances and
former party comrades of the Typaldoses, all of whom confirmed that
the Computron president and his wife are deeply involved in the USLP.
And we have uncovered several instances in which the USLP activities
of the Typaldoses have become, under their real names, a matter of
public record:
* On Jan. 3, 1974, Renee Typaldos was arraigned in Manhattan Criminal
Court, together with five other party members (one of whom is now a
Computron employee), on charges of kidnapping a woman defector and
holding her against her will for three days in a Washington Heights
apartment. According to the New York Times account, the defector only
escaped by throwing a note out the window to a passing stranger, who
notified the police. The charges were later dismissed after the
defector decided not to testify (reportedly, she felt pity for her
former comrades).
* On Sept. 2, 1977, Renee Typaldos signed her real name to an
affidavit of service in a New York Federal District Court suit,
affirming that she had served papers on the plaintiff on behalf of
defendant National Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC), cadre
organization of the USLP. Again, on Nov. 1, 1977, she signed an
affidavit of service in another New York Federal District Court suit,
this time on behalf of Lyndon LaRouche and several other USLP members
who are suing former FBI directors Clarence Kelley and Edward Levy.
(In both instances, the lawyer representing the USLP side was David
Heller, Computron's staff attorney.)
* In February 1979, Renee Typaldos was included in a list of
prospective witnesses submitted by the plaintiffs in LaRouche v.
Kelley. The list is composed of individuals who are expected to
testify on how they have been harassed or persecuted by the FBI as a
result of their USLP membership.
* In December 1979, Renee Typaldos made a contribution of $200 to
Citizens for LaRouche (CFL), the USLP leader's 1980 presidential
campaign committee. The contribution is included in records filed with
the Federal Election Commission as part of a CFL matching funds
application.
* In January 1979, a credit card belonging to Andreas Typaldos was
used by the LaRouche campaign to pay for their New York to Washington
D.C. air fares, and two rooms for two days at the Washington Hilton.
The debt to Typaldos of $1,086.62 was noted in the campaign
committee's July 10, 1979 quarterly report to the FEC.
As to the use of the pseudonyms: Renee "Reniotis" is an occasional
reporter for New Solidarity, the USLP newspaper; while Andreas
"Reniotis" is an important advisor in the party's inner councils
(reportedly he belongs to the National Committee, one step beneath the
NEC).
Our Town has obtained a copy of a 13-page memorandum prepared for the
NEC by "A. Reniotis" and dated Nov; 3, 1974, when Andreas Typaldos was
already the president of Computron. The memorandum, entitled
"Organization (Part I--Intelligence)," is a proposal for streamlining
the party's intelligence work along "process management" lines. The
author asks "Are we now...working out the 'technical' implications of
depending less and less on [press clippings], of developing shrewder
investigative methods, of secure intelligence transmissions, etc...?"
He then suggests various improvements, including "possible
computerization" of the party's intelligence files.
"We have an idle 5 million char. disk capacity waiting," he boasts,
referring (according to USLP defectors) to a computer lent to
Computron by a leading hardware manufacturer.
The defectors say the idea of computerizing the intelligence sector's
thousands of files and dossiers was rejected after considerable
discussion. "We just didn't have the manpower," said one source. But
he also recalled that the Reniotis proposal had helped to stimulate
use of the Computron computer to keep track of USLP literature sales
and other party business. "People from the operations and finance
sectors were at the computer terminal in Room 1104 every day of the
week," he said, referring to the 1975-1977 period.
According to the 1977 Computron financial report, Typaldos and
Kalimtgis controlled 100 percent of the firm's operating income. But
the report also listed a Computron vice president, Gennaro Vendome, as
a minor third partner. Vendome has been with Computron since 1973, but
defectors from the USLP say he has never been a party member.
Nevertheless, Federal Election Commission records show that, as of
Jan. 25, 1980, he had contributed $600 to LaRouche's presidential
campaign, and his wife had contributed $250.
Computron was incorporated in Delaware in 1978 as Computron Systems
Company, Inc. In 1979, it changed its name to Computron Technologies
Corporation but continued to conduct most of its business as Computron
Systems Co., now described as a "division" of Computron Technologies.
Apparently, all this had little effect on the actual control of the
firm: In an interview with Computer Systems News (Feb. 4, 1980)
Gennaro Vendome described the firm as being run today by himself and
the two partners with whom he founded it in 1973. The article does not
name the other two partners, but from the evidence. above, Vendome
could only have been referring to Kalimtgis and Typaldos.
Under Delaware law, a privately held corporation is not required to
list its shareholders. However, Computron did provide the Delaware
Secretary of State with a list of the members of its board of
directors; and it would appear from this list that the USLP is in the
saddle: four out of six members are longtime trusted party cadre, and
the remaining two have been identified by USLP defectors as
politically sympathetic to the party. In addition, all of the non-
owners on the board are Computron executives, dependent on the three
"partners" for their livelihoods.
Vendome and Typaldos are included on the list, but Kalimtgis is not.
The other four members are:
* Mark Stahlman, Computron vice-president for research and
development. He is a longtime member of the USLP/NCLC and formerly
served on its security staff. According to defectors, he continued to
sit in on security's weekly staff meetings even after being hired by
Computron. "He was the electronics expert," said one source. Records
of the New York Public Service Commission show that on Sept. 21, 1976,
Stahlman appeared on behalf of NCLC (as its "technical advisor") at an
informal PSC hearing held to adjust a $22,000 NCLC phone bill. When
the USLP/NCLC moved to its current headquarters in February 1979,
Stahlman reportedly advised the organization on questions relating to
the installation of new centrex and telex systems. Stahlman writes on
occasion for New Solidarity and is listed in the party's internal
phone directory.
* Paul Teitelbaum, executive vice-president of Computron. He is also a
long time USLP/NCLC member and is listed in the internal phone
directory. According to party defectors, he served on the security
staff both before and after being hired by Computron. In 1976, he
conducted a USLP daily news program ("New Solidarity World News") on
Channel C in New York City. In the application filed with
Teleprompter, he is identified as the show's "producer" with a
telephone number at USLP headquarters. In March 1979, his American
Express credit card was used by Citizens for LaRouche to rent rooms
for LaRouche and three aides at a Detroit hotel (a subsequent campaign
finances report to the FEC lists the debt to Teitelbaum as $1,357.96).
* Fletcher James, Computron vice president. He is also a longtime USLP/
NCLC member, and he is listed in the internal phone directory. His
wife, Marilyn James, is a former security staffer and writes
frequently for party publications. In the preface of Dope, Inc.,
Fletcher James' employer, Kalimtgis, acknowledges Marilyn James as one
of three researchers (including also a Computron systems analyst) who
supplied the "core" of this anti-Semitic tract.
* Elias Typaldos, Computron vice-president and brother of Andreas
Typaldos. He is listed in the USLP internal phone directory, and party
defectors describe him as "a former member who remains sympathetic."
He is the only Computron board member, however, who is not listed in
FEC files as having lent or contributed money to the LaRouche
presidential campaign.
The USLP's influence at Computron is by no means restricted to the
above individuals. A Los Angeles Times article on Feb. 16, 1980,
quoted LaRouche as saying that "about forty" of his followers work for
Computron. Total staff of the computer firm, according to industry
publications, is 85.
Not surprisingly, support for LaRouche's presidential campaign is
evident on all levels of the Computron staff. According to FEC
records, 22 employees of the firm including 3 vice presidents, 5
systems analysts, 11 programmers, the office manager, and the staff
attorney contributed a total of $6,510 to Citizens for LaRouche
between Jan. 1 and Nov. 26, 1979. This was almost 20 percent of all
LaRouche campaign funds contributed in New York State during the
eleven-month period. And it was followed by additional contributions
in December and January, including one from Daniel LaRouche, 22 year
old son of the candidate, who works as a programmer in Computron's
main office.
LaRouche has also benefited from a lenient Computron credit policy. In
1976, when he ran for President on the USLP ticket, the firm extended
credit of $4,650 (for computer services) to the Committee to Elect
LaRouche President (CELP). As of the fall of 1979, FEC records show
that $3,800 was still owed and no payments had been made since early
1977. There is no record in New York State courts that Computron has
ever taken legal action regarding this debt.
In May 1977, the FEC launched an investigation into debts of over
$30,000 owed by the LaRouche campaign to two other USLP business
fronts: Campaigner Publications and New Solidarity International Press
Service. The FEC believed some of these debts might constitute illegal
in-kind contributions, since the two businesses shared office space
and common personnel with CELP and the USLP during the 1976 campaign.
In June 1977, the FEC subpoenaed the records of both corporations, but
they refused to comply. As of May 1980, they were still resisting a
Federal District Court order to open their books.
Computron also shared office space and common personnel with CELP and
the USLP in 1976, but was not incorporated at the time and hence was
not subject to the laws limiting corporate spending. Computron's
relationship to the 1980 LaRouche campaign, however, may merit
scrutiny: The Feb. 1980 quarterly filing of Citizens for LaRouche
(CFL) reveals that Computron has extended credit of $9,000 to the
campaign for "computer program and setup" and "computer services," in
spite of the 1976 debt.
Computron may have given other forms of aid to LaRouche's electoral
bids. An FBI surveillance memorandum from 1976, released under the
Freedom of Information Act, reports on a conference held by the USLP
at the Town and Campus Restaurant in Elizabeth, N.J., in October 1976,
featuring a presidential campaign speech by LaRouche. According to the
report, "LaRouche arrived in a 1974 Peugot, New Jersey license 783
FMT, registered to Computron Systems Co., 2125 Center Ave., Fort Lee,
N.J." (The address in Fort Lee was Computron's New Jersey branch
office, which has since moved to a larger space in Secaucus.)
In addition, Our Town has unraveled the byzantine tale of how LaRouche
moved into the Century in Riverdale. As told by USLP defectors and by
sources in the building--and documented by rental office records--the
story runs as follows: In 1977, Andreas and Renee Typaldos moved into
the Century. In July 1978, Mr. Typaldos recommended Konstandinos and
Chrissa Kalimtgis for an apartment and also requested an apartment on
the same floor to be rented in the name of Computron. Typaldos said
the latter apartment would be used by a Mr. and Mrs. LaRouche. (Mr.
LaRouche was reportedly described as a "money man" the firm was
bringing over from Europe.) But then, apparently, the Computron owners
decided to exercise greater discretion. They told the rental office to
forget the Computron application, cross out the names of Mr. and Mrs.
LaRouche, and rent the apartment directly to Kalimtgis, to be used as
a study and for entertaining company guests. The leases were signed
(with Typaldos as guarantor on the lease for the Kalimtgis family
apartment) and the Kalimtgises moved in. But then a second couple
unexpectedly moved into the business apartment. The rental office was
informed that this couple was Mr. and Mrs. Henke, and that Mr. Henke
was a Computron executive. In fact, Mr. Henke (Uwe Henke von Parpart)
was an operative of the USLP National Executive Committee, not a
Computron employee, and lived in Upper Manhattan, not in Riverdale.
The real occupants of the business apartment were Lyndon LaRouche and
Helga Zepp-LaRouche, who moved in with a shotgun and round-the-clock
security guards. (The coven was completed in November, when Computron
vice presidents Stahlman and Teitelbaum also rented an apartment in
the Century.)
Before long, rumors began to spread among the building staff, as
LaRouche was observed passing in and out with his stony-faced security
guards, and as the FBI began to prowl around asking questions. When
Our Town's Sept. 9, 1979 article appeared, the management of the
Century finally decided to take action. Kalimtgis was told that the
LaRouche couple's occupancy was in violation of the lease and that the
apartment must be vacated. Without a strong case to stop eviction
proceedings, the, LaRouches moved out quietly in late October. New
Solidarity, however, later romanticized the incident, claiming that
assassination threats were the cause of the move. The USLP paper
blamed it all on Our Town, saying that we had published LaRouche's
address (in fact, we had only noted a "rumor" that LaRouche lived in
the building).
With the rumor confirmed by LaRouche's own paper, the question
immediately presents itself: Was LaRouche, who campaigned for the
presidency throughout his stay in the Century, actually getting an
illegal campaign contribution in the form of free rent? Sources within
the building say that the rent was paid by Kalimtgis and that the
final check (after the LaRouche's moved out) was accompanied by a
letter from Chrissa Kalimtgis on Computron stationery. It is doubtful
if LaRouche was reimbursing the Kalimtgises or Computron for these
payments: Although rent on the apartment was over $85,000 per year,
LaRouche's total personal income in 1979 was only $6,000 according to
a financial disclosure statement he filed with the FEC in February
1980.
Computron's close links to the LaRouche campaign are paralleled by its
links to various party front organizations, such as World Composition
Services, New Solidarity International Press Service, and the Fusion
Energy Foundation (FEF).
The FEF, which is the party's tool for pro-nuclear power propaganda,
occupies Suite 2404 at 888 Seventh Ave., formerly an office of
Computron. One of its three directors, Steven Bardwell, is a Computron
systems analyst. In addition, Computron helps to subsidize FEF via
advertisements in Fusion, the FEF's monthly magazine. The symbiotic
relationship of FEF and Computron was indicated by an article in New
Solidarity early in 1979, announcing that the FEF had developed a
computer model for economic forecasting based on the ideas of Lyndon
LaRouche. Credit for the breakthrough was given to Computron systems
analyst Bardwell and to Uwe Henke von Parpart, that ubiquitous
operative described in USLP publications and elsewhere as FEF director
of research, USLP director of research, Computron director of
research, and a graduate of the West German Naval Academy. According
to USLP defectors, the pair developed the model with the help of
Computron facilities.
Quick to jump on the bandwagon was the New Solidarity International
Press Service, LaRouche's "private political intelligence gathering
agency," which is staffed in large part by the spouses of Computron
employees. The Mar. 20, 1979 issue of Executive Intelligence Review
(EIR), a weekly magazine of the NSIPS which targets corporate board
rooms at a subscription price of $400 per year, announced that it
would begin publishing its own "computer-generated indices of economic
performance and potential" and "computer simulations of regional and
sectoral economic activity" based on the model. In addition, the
magazine offered "computer simulations of questions of interest to
EIR's clients" which would be "undertaken on a special contract
basis." It is not difficult to guess the computer firm to which EIR
would subcontract such jobs.
Conversations with past and present Computron employees, as well as
USLP national office defectors, indicate a variety of ways in which
the existence of Computron is a direct prop for the USLP.
First, the software firm provides salaries for several party
functionaries who reportedly spend a major portion of their working
hours on party business. One example, of course, is Kalimtgis. Another
is Ed Spannaus, a founding member of the party, who serves as its
national ballot security specialist while employed at Computron as a
documentation writer. (Our sources also point to the ambiguous role of
Computron's staff attorney, Mr. Heller, who maintains a second office
at USLP headquarters and is currently handling several complicated
suits for the party.)
Second, a Computron salary sometimes gives the USLP two workers for
the price of one. In at least a dozen cases, Computron employees have
spouses working fulltime for the party or for party front groups,
either as volunteers or on small stipends. "The Computron salary makes
this possible," claimed one defector, pointing out that most party
couples live very modestly in Washington Heights or Inwood apartments,
have no children, and almost never take vacations. "It's a no-frills
life," he said.
Third, the existence of Computron acts as a safety valve for the
party. When a party operative begins to develop doubts and the
"persona-stripping" therapy sessions fail to whip him back into line,
the offer of a job at Computron may prevent him from defecting.
Relieved from the onerous duties of political organizing, he is
plunked down in the clean, well-lit, low-pressure environment of
Computron, surrounded by his old friends, with Renaissance paintings
on the wall and the piped-in music of Mozart and Beethoven. Here he
can remain, doubts and all, just so long as he doesn't openly
challenge the party line. According to former members who have made a
full break, this tactic has saved the USLP from many an embarrassing
defection--and from many an embarrassing revelation of party secrets.
Fourth, USLP defectors charge that profits from Computron and other
party-controlled businesses are laundered illegally into the party's
coffers. This allegation has become a matter of public record in a New
York State Supreme Court suit in which three party loyalists (two of
them Computron employees) are suing two defectors for control of a
small research firm which holds a patent on a water desalination
process. In a sworn affidavit on May 29, 1979, defector Eric Lerner,
head of the research firm, told the court that "it is the policy of
the USLP to use corporations...as channels for funding of USLP." He
went on to describe a face-to-face conversation in July 1977 with Uwe
Henke von Parpart (who oversees the party's finances on behalf of the
National Executive Committee): "I was informed by...Henke...that a
data processing company, Computron, was used...to funnel money into
the USLP. I was repeatedly informed by various members of the National
Executive Committee, including...Henke...that my firm would be
expected to funnel future profits into the USLP in a manner similar to
that already used with Computron."
Whatever the truth about Computron's finances, strong documentary
evidence exists that the corporation's policies are based on the blind
fanaticism of the LaRouche worldview. In its libel suit against Our
Town, Computron includes two New York Times reporters and attorney Roy
Cohn as defendants, thus indicating agreement with the bizarre USLP
viewpoint (expressed in LaRouche's own suit against the same
defendants and in various USLP newspaper articles and leaflets) that
the ongoing Our Town series is motivated by a "conspiracy" of these
defendants.
Indeed, the Computron suit takes matters further than the LaRouche
suit by including as a defendant Irwin Suall, the fact-finding
director of B'nai B'rith's Anti-Defamation League. Mr. Suall and the
ADL have long been targets of hate propaganda by the USLP and the
USLP's allies in the anti-Semitic Liberty Lobby.
As to the purpose of the alleged conspiracy, New Solidarity and
LaRouche say the defendants intended to finger LaRouche for
assassination because of his opposition to "Zionism." The Computron
suit adopts a similar theory, alleging that Computron president
Typaldos and his family have been threatened with assassination and
kidnapping, all at the direct behest of Defendants.
Note on Konstandinos Kalimtgis' Morris County, N.J. trial: One of
Kalimtgis' co-defendants was Zeke Boyd, a former Black Panther Deputy
Defense Minister who switched to the USLP and is now Lyndon LaRouche's
bodyguard. Defectors from the USLP say that Kalimtgis and Boyd played
a leading role in Operation Mop-Up, a series of over sixty violent
attacks by USLP security squads in 1973 against members of Communist
groups. At the time of their Morris County arrest, Kalimtgis and Boyd
were on their way to visit one Ronald Kastner (according to Kalimtgis'
testimony). Kastner was later identified in the Albany Times as the
owner of a farm near Argyle, New York, which was used in 1974 to
conduct paramilitary training for American, West German, and Mexican
cadre of the LaRouche organization. Today, Kastner is a top executive
of World Composition Services, the USLP's typesetting firm, which is
listed as a client of Computron in the latter's 1979 sales brochure.
|
|
